PAPER DARTS HAS RECIEVED THE FOLLOWING COMMUNIQUE, WHICH WE REPRODUCE FOR INFORMATION PURPOSES ONLY
The parallel institution: the other professors who mandate student life
Ουτε φασισμοσ, ουτε δεμοκρατια
κατω ο κρατισμοσ
ζετε μ αναρχια
No fascism, no rule by the people
An end to rule
And life to anarchy
(Common chant in Greek riots)
Why not to join the PKK
And its proxies like the KSN, or whatever they rename themselves to for legal reasons tomorrow.
First and foremost, because you should be having a problem with armies. You should be having a problem with any body that claims to be the sole legitimate actor of a popular resistance, because resistance is a part of who you are as a human being who is continuing to survive as a human being and not an automaton. It does not belong to any committee. This applies to the student recruiter for the PKK both when they claim to represent the struggle of somebody who finds themselves as a Kurd, and when they take the broader perspective by claiming to have resolved human freedom in the wax puppet of Ocalan. They are claiming a monopoly over the violence that should be to you and everyone who fights against the distortion of their own lives, whether dealing with the extreme circumstances of the terrain which the Kurds find themselves within, or the lesser circumstances of this island.
Secondly, because although they say they do not want a nation (although practically speaking they want an expansionist nationalism bound only by collective ideas, such as the US promotes itself as), they still in this army create a state. Naturally they do so, as with or without clear borders, international recognition or not, they still in the areas they roam impose the monopoly of their violence. And, as somebody alienated from authority through what you have seen, you should not be risking your life to set up the police/army (because they are the same) who will spend the rest of their post-victory careers leisurely hunting you down in every corner. Because you do not stop, if you genuinely believe in what you claim, with liberation from cultural censorship. You carry on your own war with anyone else carrying on theirs until every set of chairs in a row is in ashes. And those who wish a police to speak their own language and not those of the coloniser will not tolerate this. And no amount of “justice”, delivered by the kindly “elders” of PKK propaganda, simultaneously claiming to rely on voluntary persuasion and also backed by the limitless bullets of a nuclear capable state, will either.
Thirdly, because war does not belong to orientalisation, the heroic chaotic Middle East you have created in your mind’s eye. It is not a scene you may project into any racialised landscape you think naturally belongs to it. It is something present beneath each paving stone you walk on in territory dominated by our state, in every secretive tidal movement of functionaries receiving a new order, but also visibly on the armed bodies already existing on our streets. Their orders are first backed up by the baton and in the case of mass refusal ultimately the gun. The fact that we are so used to obeying orders that we barely register this does not change its reality. War already dominates your life, and across human experience. It simply exists so far, only on the side of the enemy.
And we are lucky here, and especially in London, that we have so many headquarters of this war, “with addresses”. And so many high officers, “with names”.
And the headquarters here pertain to the situations inflicted in this territory, and in Kurdistan, although there is as I say only a quantative difference.
To those who are angered only by the war between states, such as in the scrabble for Kurdistan
War is only a form of identity politics, the safety valve of the system dependent on continual crisis, a way of convincing people that their meaningless existences can be resolved by the escape into the milleneae old images of the professional murderer. It is a funfair mirror, a flight from the terror of individuality. It is also the ability to take on the role of the state in your own hands and in the release of extremis, by being the agent of deprivation, but total uncheckable deprivation, the deprivation not of an element of somebody’s life but its entirety, the summation of the authoritarian act. It is something useful to broader power and that is its sole purpose, a temporary recalibration of the broader assault on the soul. Death for the country, or the king, or the democracy in the mansions. Without a hatred of identity and deprivation, a hatred of war is meaningless.
However, if you belong to this partially questioning worldview, or if the ordinary state is so maximalised by interstate war that it can be the only practical target, then your duty is not to join a military or create a military no matter how “liberating” it claims to be. Your point is to dismantle the disgusting advance of technology that makes war in the meaningful sense, the gas and the bullets and the bombs, at certain addresses, and for those addresses to be found by those on the other side of the front.
Why not to join Pal Action, or whatever like it
Because one should have no respect for the movement. One should not seek representatives of one’s pain. Rather, the realisation of resentment should be total, without any one person of set of them emerging clutching a banner as the figurehead, powered by an exclusion of those they find ideologically or personably disagreeable using ultimately a reliance on the police or their tactics.
Because this respectability that the official “activists” wish – those who are, without telling you what politics they actually have, mysteriously “active” in politics – culminates in the case of Pal Action to its most extreme object: the court. They carry out damage at the addresses I have described, deliberately slight in the context of their possibilities, and sit around at the site in their monogrammed jumpsuits until they are arrested. Now they can meet the sole describers of morality, the judges. They are cuntstruck by these people dressed deceptively as wizards. They can receive their approval, or the pure common masses of the jury, and get an acquittal to prove their moral right. Passing before the throng they can tell us of how these priests of blood approved of them, while also hinting at revolutionary romanticism and the whiff of danger. They seem to wish biographers to chase them like lawyers ambulances.
Instead come from the night, and disappear back, unknown to history, the scene, or the tabloids.
Why not to wear the uniform of the punks
Because you do not shock according to order. You shock according to your insistence on your existence as human, Your shocking nature requires no justification – I am a punk – or quick aids to pidgeonhole. The oppression of culture is not resolved in subculture, just as you cannot create nicer prisons.1
(The same problems result in an excessive reliance on abstract queerness – without your queerness (your strangeness, your bizarreness) being a series of instances of refusal of sexual or gender conformism within the domain of the act , arbitrarily separating yourself from the rest of the world by social signifiers will only further contain you and others who are alienated from the dogma of the norm (Which is not a biological program, the correct order of things to scrawl on walls being “be crime do gay”rather than“be gay do crime”))
Why not to become an anal reading group
This is not to disparage the ANAL collective (Autonomous Nation of Anarchist Libertarians), who should be disparaged for other reasons.
Despite what you are taught in university the purpose of words is not for after your death. The purpose of words, such as these ones,is to win the clarity of freedom so that you will not die in the confusion of slavery, and it pertains to your own experiences and your own life. Your desire to live without institutions, money-grubbing, lies, yourself or others tortured and confined. The overwhelming amount of revolutionaries in the past understood this, and their texts are based in the context of acts for which they faced prison or death, unlike the majority of today’s “revolutionary” writers (or tweeters or whatever). This is visible in a certain desperate quality to their texts that is not visible in say Crimethinc or whatever the Marxists are pulling out of their arse these days.
I heartily hope that this text is not kept in bookshelves along with the other dead who knew nothing but the smoke of factories or their own synecures. It should be imposed upon people, grasped in a fist and thrown into crowds. It should be replaced with texts closer to the future situation, and not distributed by those who do not wish its contents as reality. It should not become the official position of some group that circle it like rats a dead corpse. There is no abstract value to the struggle to be enshrined, only an ability to look yourself in the mirror in the morning and know that you are a human being and not a zombie. The place of this text is not some monument to the particular misery of these particular years. This is true of any other text: if you look at the Situationists and find their boredom and loneliness beautiful, there is something profoundly sick about you. If you look at the Chileans who have to get up EVERY DAY at six o’clock in the morning and prepare a molotov and go “what fun” there is too. The event does not exist for the photograph.
Neither is there any use in “preparing the environment”, or “building a movement”, like somebody who thinks sex is more likely to happen if they are discovered with whipped cream around their groin. If you convince people that they are revolutionaries simply by memorising a text like some praying idiot, they will go on to commit revolution only by memorising texts when you inevitably fade away or get shot. Indeed this is what happened in the political milleu in England, where revolution became simply a matter of which parties you were invited to, as we were convinced that you had to build the most refined and exquisite social groups before action could occur. And when somebody goes and actually does a revolutionary act which is by essence the violence you have been calling for all along, they are denounced, as a comrade was when they burnt down a police firing range in Bristol, and the Bristol AFED anarchist esablishment invited Channel 4 into the main social center to do so live, and submitted relentless twee communiques about how they tidied up in the street after the riots until the local Indymedia had to shut down, the Greek Communist Party that makes such a fuss over the fact that they took up arms in the fifties and who organise to grab rock-throwers and hand them over to the police, etc ad nauseam. No crack squad of theoriticians, petition-signers, cultural event attenders and fundraisers will ever break down the castle gates. Act and those strangers who look wide eyed at the burning billboard will follow using the simple means available to us all. Your work will be done by faces you will never unmask.
“NEGATIVE THOUGHTS”
